THE PLATFORM OF THE ALBANIAN NATIONAL UNITY FRONT (ANUF)

- The Albanian National Unity Front (ANUF) is a unification of political democratic forces, non-governmental organizations, intellectual and patriotic personalities, as well as the wide massive population in all Albanian areas, that has as a final aim the unification of the Albanian lands and all of its people that live in it, into a single Albanian national state.
- The Albanians have suffered the greatest territorial partitioning among the people of Europe. Today their lands are divided between five states of the Balkan Peninsula, from which only half of it is part of their national state. Outside the borders of Albania, the largest part of their ethnic lands suffers under Serbian-Slavic-Macedonian rule.

- In the diplomatic network and in the world’s publication circuit there have been wide ideas to solve the Albanian cause. The International Community is treating the solution of the crisis in former Yugoslavia only to prevent the spread of conflict. As a result of this limited intention there have been a circulations of suggestions and there are decisions being prepared to leave the Albanians and their ethnic lands under further Serbian-Slavic-Macedonian rule.

-These suggestions have not received the approval of the Albanian public opinion and the Albanian political forces inside and outside the borders of Albania.
-The Albanian National Unity Front, as a powerful comprehensive political nationwide organization, concerned about the future of the nationwide Albanians, has formulated and approved this Platform for the overall solution of the Albanian National Cause. In this Platform are outlined historical, political, diplomatic and legal arguments of the Albanian National drama, and is presented the road for the overall solution in accordance with the today’s international circumstances and with the political process that is being lead by countries of the South-eastern Europe towards the Euro-Atlantic integration.

-The Albanian National Cause in gaze of the movements for the liberation of the Albanian lands from the foreign rule and for the unification into a single national state was born almost at the same time as the other national movements of the other people of the Balkan Peninsula. As everywhere in South-eastern Europe, here also was born under the circumstances of the Ottoman rule.

- That certainly sped up under the influence of the ideas spread by the French Revolution of the year 1789 for liberty, equality and brotherhood among people, which could be realized only if every nation would form their independent, democratic and illuminist state. -The Albanian National Movement had to face, from its first steps, as an opponent force not only the century Ottoman rule, but also the chauvinist circuit of the neighbouring countries, with it also the disregarded Great Powers.

-Immediately after they created their national state, the government of Serbian and Greek circuit invaded from their chauvinist trend to annex the Albanian lands, which were still under the Ottoman rule. The accomplishment of this tendencies, which where declared publicly in the year 1844 from the governors of Belgrade with known program name of "Naçertanie" and from the governors of Athens under the name of "Megali Ideja", which didn’t leave a place for an Albanian state. Under their greedy nationalist claims, Belgrade and Athens, found very quickly a political and military common language to divide among themselves the Albanian lands, without forgetting the claims that Montenegro had against the Albanian lands. This common language was first presented in the secret talks that were developed by Serbian and Greek diplomats in Istanbul, in 1862 and were materialized in their hidden alliance with Austria, in Vesllau for the partitioning of the Albanian lands among themselves with the common border the river of Shkumbin and further the road Egnatia.

-In the midst of XIX century, when these annexation plans were being prepared, the Albanians, the descendants of the ancient Illyrians, have just suffered a continual territorial shrinkage, under the century old foreign pressure, continued to inhabit the western part of the Balkan Peninsula, where they have lived from the sunrise of the history. True notes, of the spread of their ethnic lands in the midst of the past century have been made by enough European objective observers, who had the chance to know closely the geographical inhabitants of the Balkan Peninsula. From whom it’s enough to mention the Erudi French ruler Ami Boue (1840), the perspicacious British observer E. Spencer (1847) and the known Austrian scientist J. Hahn (1853).
- According to them the Albanian were present as aboriginals on the North to Nish, Leskovac, and Vranje, on the East to Kumanova, Përlep and Manastir and on the South to Konica, Janina, and Preveza. They did not exclude the fact that inside these areas were some inhabitants of the neighbouring Balkan nationalities (Greeks, Vlleh, Serbs, Montenegrans, Turks), who composed island of minorities in the open Albanian sea. At this time, these areas were divided from the Ottoman Empire into four vilayets, in that of Kosova, Shkodra, Manastir and Janina. Among them, the largest vilayet was that of Kosova, with its capital city Shkup. The geographical area of the vilayet of Kosova was inhabited mainly from the Albanian population, therefore not occasional that it was just like the ancient Illyrian province of Dardania, the capital city of which was also Shkupi. The second vilayet by geographical size was that of Janina, which was spread from the Gulf of Arta on the South to the river Seman on the North, therefore it included in its gulf also the ancient province of Epir, which is not occasional that it was inhabited, as of ancient times, also in the midst of the past century, with more Albanian population than Hellenic.

The Greek governors adhere their chauvinist claims in three so called historical arguments, in fact without a value: in the Hellenic colonies of Mediterranean; in the political rule, with force of Byzantine Empire against this lands and their dependence of the orthodox churches of these lands to the Patriarchy of Istanbul. According to these "reason" from which the platform of "Megali ideja" was formed, all of Epir to Shkumbin and all Macedonia to Korça, belong to Greece. The chauvinist governors of Athens don’t mention the fact that in most of these provinces there was no ethnic Greek population. In absence of that, they count as a member of the Greek nation all orthodox Albanians just because from the church perspective they were dependent from the Istanbul Patriarchy. But in their attempts to increase artificially the number of Greek inhabitants they didn’t have success.

-Neither Serbia didn’t have documentary adherence to excuse its claims against the Albanian lands. It [Serbia] hoped to accomplish its territorial claims with the help of its greater sister, Czarist Russia. The most important place in the claims of the Serbian "Naçertanije" had historical Kosova with its capital Shkup, together with its expansionist aspiration to have access to the Adriatic coast. Since the Serb inhabitants in this region made up a minority, the chauvinist circuit of Belgrade, made up other arguments also without basis: that Albanians are not descendants of Illyrians and less of Dardans, the ancient inhabitants of Kosova, but the newcomer Slavic population from the Eastern of the peninsula, and that Kosova was the "cradle of the Serbian medieval state", therefore with it they are bonded with memories, legends and monuments of their national conscience. Briefly, according to them, at the time of their arrival Kosova was without inhabitants, as a consequence the Albanian of Kosova are not aborigines, but settled immigrants after 1698, when the Serbian population was obliged to move toward north after the loss of Austrian Empire from the Ottoman Empire. But the Serbian historians don’t bring up any historical evidence for these allegations. They have also benefited from the late development of the Albanian scientific historiography, in cope of the ongoing and growing two century Slavic scientific historiography.

But already, during the last ten years of the research, which Albanian historians did, they are able to confirm with convincing historical facts that the thesis of the Serbian historians have never had any documentary basis.

- The Serbian historians accused the Muslim Albanians of Kosova as collaborators of the Ottoman Empire for repression of the Serbian nations in their lands. But the accusation is totally unjust. Albanians were always exempted from the prejudgments and religious antagonism. They have the merit for preserving from demolition the Serbian orthodox churches and monasteries in Kosova for almost four hundred years, unlike the gothic Serbian governors, which ones as soon as they occupied Kosova, they ruined all the chapels and ancient monuments, and they pervaded with armed revolts against Istanbul during the ottoman rule. Independent historical sources prove that in the Kosova revolt of the year 1689 the participation of the Albanians of the province was massive. In this revolt, under the leadership of the catholic archbishop Pjeter Bogdani, not only catholic Albanian participated but in a considerable mass Muslim Albanian as well.

- During the eastern crisis of the 70-ies of the 19th century, when Southeastern Europe was covered by the swirl of the Russian-Turkish war, the main event in Balkan level was the Albanian Prizren League, under the leadership of which the Albanians turned Kosova into the main household of their national movement. During the years 1878-1881 they initially fought against the decisions of the Berlin’s Congress for protection of the integrity of their ethnic lands and afterwards against the "high gate" to create an autonomic Albanian state. After it lead the Albanian movement up to the verge of achieving independence, the Prizren League was violently crushed by the ottoman army.

It reddened the Kosova land with the blood of thousands of its sons. In year 1912, in spring, Kosova was the first to unfold the liberation revolt flag. Within a few weeks it included whole Albanian lands to finally destroy the centuries long ottoman yoke. All over the country the Turkish army was defeated, surrendered or locked into their cantonment. In summer the towns of Kosova were liberated one by one. On 12 August 1912 the Albanian rebels liberated Shkup (Skopje), the capital of the Kosova vilayet. But, as it is known, when the revolt was in the verge of its victory, the event flow changed into its disadvantage. Upset by the rapid change of the situation, the Balkan monarchies declared common war to the Ottoman Empire, which, indisposed by the Albanian revolts, had suffered losses after losses. Under the complicated situation which was created by the Balkan conflict, delegates from the whole Albanian regions, including the Kosova, Macedonia and Çamëria (Çamëria) region, gathered at the National Congress of Vlora, which declared on 28 November 1912 the National Independence of Albania and the inclusion of the whole ethnic lands and the representing of a single national state.

- After the decision the historical Congress of Vlora took, the Albanians were hoping that having in regard their century long war against the Ottoman rule and their legitimate right they had for their ethnic lands, the six Great Forces which ones dictated faithfully the destiny of the people of the continent, would recognize the creation of their independent state and would include in its borders all their ethnic lands. But the London Conference, created by the Great Forces to build the new map of the Balkan Peninsula after the defeat the Ottoman Empire suffered, in 1913 recognized (after some fluctuations) only the act of creation of the Albanian independent state, whilst they didn’t accept the decision of the Vlora Congress for the unification of the ethnic Albanian territories under the independent Albania. Only the half of the ethnic Albanian territories was included inside the borders of the new state. The other part was divided between the three neighbouring Balkan monarchies. From them, Serbia took the whole territory of the historical Kosova with it’s capital Skopje. Greece annexed the region of Follorina and Kostur along with Çamëria, which the Great Forces hesitated to give to it during the Congress of Berlin, because of the warnings of the Albanian League of Prizren for armed conflicts with Athens. Also they gave to Montenegro the territories Plava, Gucia, Hot, and Gruda, which the League of Prizren had protected by blood during the Eastern Crisis of the 70-ies.

- The annexed territories, instead of wining freedom, for which they had fought for centuries, they were passed from one foreign oppression to another. In the autumn of the year 1913, the governments of Belgrade, Athens and Cetina, started the expatriation of the Albanians from their ethnic territories, by forcing them to migrate to Turkey, meaning as far away as possible from their borders. With the massive expulsions that Greece undertook, during the decades that followed the annexation of the Albanian lands, especially after the biblical exodus of the Çamërians at the end of the Second World War, she thought that she finished the ethnic cleansing of the Albanians from her borders.

- Since 1913 two world wars developed. The forces that had promised to give freedom to the downtrodden nations and to respect their national rights won both of the wars. But the injustice, which the Great Forces had done in the Conference of the Ambassadors in 1913, was not touched. The ethnic Albanian lands remained cut up, with the change that the territories outside the borders of Albania of the year 1913 in the beginning remained divided between three neighbouring monarchies (Serbia, Greece, Montenegro), whilst from the year 1918 up to 1991 between Yugoslavia and Greece.

The Albanians came out disappointed from the Warsaw Tractate (1920) as well as from the conference of Paris (1946). But they experienced the biggest disappointment in the beginning of the 90-ies with the disintegration of the Federal Socialist Republic of Yugoslavia.

- In 1918, when the Serb-Croat-Slovenian Kingdom was formed, which was later called the Yugoslavian Kingdom, not many politicians predicted that with the majority of the nations and nationalities it included in its bosom, it would have a long life because the epoch of the multinational states was over.

- During the Second World War, the Yugoslavian Kingdom, rotted from the internal national contradictions, was ruined as soon as the German armies crossed its borders. Hitler, the irreconcilable enemy of the Versaya map, in the frame of the violent changes of the borders he divided in the entire Europe, he cut up the Yugoslavian Kingdom. Croatia was proclaimed an independent state, certainly as a satellite of Germany. Serbia got narrowed. Bulgaria was rewarded with the territories of Macedonia. Also Hungaria took Voyvodina. In the fission of Yugoslavia also Italy ended up, the closest ally of Germany.

- Since the years of war it was said that Albania and the Kosova Province were given to Germany and Italy. This claim in to fully true. Hitler, the real author of the new Balkan Map, did not give to Albania the ethnic Albanian territories of Yugoslavia, but to Italy, which one handed them over to Tirana only in administrative point of view. Except this, from the six prefectures with Albanian population that included the heroic Kosova, only four of them joined administratively with Albania: the prefectures of Prishtina, Peja, Prizren and Tetova. The prefecture of Mitrovica (with it’s sub-prefectures of Vuciternë, Gjilan and Podujeva), Hitler left to Serbia, which remained under the German occupation with purpose that Berlin uses the rich mines of Trepça instead of Rome. On the other hand, the Albanian provinces of Shkup, Kaçanik, Presheva and Prespa were given to Bulgaria. The provinces of Dibra, Kërçova and Struga were given to the Government of Tirana. From the Montenegro sector, the territories of Ulqin, Tuz (Hot and Grude) along with Gucia and Plava were also given to the Tirana Government for administration. From the ethnic Albanian territories of former Yugoslavia, approximately half of it, 11.780 km2 joined the Tirana administration. As a result, the ethnic Albanian territories of Former Yugoslavia remained, although in different scale, again fragmented, this time between Italy, Germany and Bulgaria.

- The fact that the Albanian territories joined administratively with Tirana, cannot be denied, although they were under Italian rule they profited in the field of the national rights. First of all they were liberated from the genocide Serbian rule and the total denial of their national rights that the government of Belgrade had done. The creation of the Albanian State Administration, the free development of the Albanian education, the un-obstacle use of the Albanian literature, the removal of the political boundaries with Albania in the year 1913, all the above-mentioned were profits for the population that was tired from the Serbian and Montenegrin oppression. But, the estimation of the Tirana collaborationist, which ones compared these profits with a liberation of Kosova, was certainly wrong. The transition from one oppression to another, regardless of one being easier then the other can never be compared with a national liberation. Onward, if in case the war would have been won by the axis Berlin-Rome, Albania together with the part of Kosova which joined it, would remain under the oppression of Fascist Italy and the ethnic Albanian territories would again remain fragmented.

- The opponents of the fascist Anglo-Soviet-American block didn’t recognize the border changes, which Hitler and Mussolini did. So, the antifascist coalition neither recognized the fascist occupation of Albania, nor the disintegration of Yugoslavia, or the union of Kosova with the occupied Albanian. In case the fascist block would have lost the war, the cooperation of Tirana with Rome and Berlin for creation of ethnic Albania under the conditions of the Italian fascist occupation, was compromising the national cause itself. The Albanians would be treated as allies of the Nazi-fascist block. This would give a reason to Yugoslavia, one of the biggest allies of the great anti-fascist coalition, to use a wilder violence on Albanians than the one the Yugoslav monarchs before the war used. The big allies of the anti-fascist coalition had declared through the Atlantic Card (August 1942) that the aspirations of the people for freedom and democracy would be taken into consideration at the end of the war, and it would be understood according to the contribute they would give on the conflict with the Nazi-fascist aggressors. Under these circumstances, the issue required that the Albanians should engage in a war without compromise against the Italian occupant, with the conviction that this war would serve as a capital to raise the voice at the end of it when the time comes for delimitation.

- During the Second World War the Albanians of Albania and Kosova gave an important contribute in the defeat of the Italian-German fascist block. At the end of the war, the anti-fascist forces counted in Albania around 70 thousand partisans and around 50 thousand in Kosova. According to the important contribute they gave (comparing the number of the population) in the victory of the war against the fascist aggressors, the Albanians inside and outside the borders were expecting that the great allies will respect the principle of their self-determination and to keep the engagement of respecting the national rights of the nations.

IV. THE RIGHT FOR SELF-DETERMINATION IS DENIED TO THE ALBANIANS

- At the end of the Second World War the diplomatic frame of the national Albanian matter was more complicated than at the time of the proclamation of independence. In the end, at the Peace Conference in Paris, Yugoslavia and Greece had stronger positions than in year 1913. Now, they were part of the anti-fascist coalition that had won the war, and the winners took the decisions on their own without having any arbiter. Under these circumstances the possibility that Albania makes true its legitimate territorial aspirations to the disadvantage of Yugoslavia and Greece was a priori expelled, because the history never recognizes any case when the winner lest go of its territories, even when it’s ruling them unjustly, in the advantage of another state, to which those territories belong. Although Albania was accepted as a member of the winner’s coalition, Athens accused Tirana in the Peace Conference, as an aggressor, same as Italy, for the war, which the quisling government of Shefqet Verlaci had declared to Greece in October of the year 1940.

- As result, it not only refused to discuss the national rights of Albanians which were living in their ethnic lands, but it asked for territorial and financial compensation, mainly the southern part of Albania, their so-called Northern-Epir. Further more, one year before the Peace Conference was held, the Athens government, with purpose of finally solving the issue of the ethnic Albanian territories, which were located inside its borders, it expelled with a flash style operation, within 48 hours the Muslim Albanians which populated the Çamëria province without any difference (men, women, old men and children), under the non-based accusation that they had cooperated with the German occupation. Therefore to escape the massacre from the extremely nationalist general Napolon Zerva, the unlucky Çams were forced to take the migrating road to Albania, leaving behind properties and their homes. The president of the Albanian delegation at the Peace Conference, Enver Hoxha, declined the Greek claims with the arguments that Albania had given 28 thousand martyrs to the great antifascist war, without calculating the big material damages it had suffered and that it had nailed in its territory some Italian and German divisions, which, if the Albanians hadn’t fought, would engage into the eastern or western front. Thus, Albania had not gone to Paris to give an account, but to ask for account from the common enemies. The antifascist Albania had nothing in common with the collaborationist that had declared war to Greece, because she covered them with shame, as happened with all collaborationist of all the European countries. At the same time, Enver Hoxha declined also the motivation of Athens to expel the Albanians of Çamëria.

- The cooperation of some individuals with the German occupiers, he said, does not give a reason to expel the whole mass of population, including housewives and small children. Except this, the collaborators of the occupier should face the court trial, same as the collaborators of the Greece nationality did, because also the Albanians of Çamëria were Greek citizens. Regardless that the Greek government continued for more than thirty years to consider itself in a war state with Albania, for the Peace Conference and its participants description of Albania as an aggressor was declined in 1946. Also the calculations of Athens that by expelling the Çamërians would close the issue of the national rights of Albanians, was not realized. The Cham issue is still opened and it expects a solution.

- Different from Greece, which had declared itself to be a state of the Greek Orthodox Nation, Yugoslavia was formed in 1918 as a multinational state. In fact, it included a lot of nations, which didn’t speak the same language, didn’t have same culture and didn’t practice same religion. To not repeat the mistakes that the dynasty of Karageorgevich’s had done, which had divided the nations it ruled, from the aspect of political rights, into three categories: 1. Serbians, 2. Other Slavic nations, and 3. Non-Slavic nations, where Albanians were also included, "Marshall" Tito with his collaborators unfolded the flag of the self-determination of nations and of their equality, in the field of political rights. As a support to this principle, which was approved by AVNOJ in 1943, the nations of Yugoslavia gained the right to form special republics as members with equal rights in the Socialist Federation of Yugoslavia, at the end of the war. Leaning on the principles of the Atlantic Card, in the decisions of AVNOJ and in the contribution which they were giving with their partisan departments in the liberation of Yugoslavia from the Hitlerian occupier, the communist and nationalist delegates of Kosova, together with the Serbian and Montenegrin Communists of their territory, decided that in 1 January 1944, at the Conference which was held in Bujan, that at the end of the war in Kosova the principle of self-determination should be applied.

But, very soon it came out that the Titoist intentions for equal rights of the nations were demagogy. In Yaytze it was decided that the Yugoslavian nations should be split to nations and nationalities, from which only the nations would have the right to form republics, whilst the nationalities could form, in particular cases only autonomic provinces under the frame of one republic. Albanians, thousand years old inhabitants of the historical Kosova, with uninterrupted territorial unity, with a range of centuries old cities, with an ancient common culture, with a population which was the third on the size after the Serbs and Croats, with a rich history of wars for independence, were fulfilling all the conditions for a republic on its own. But, only six Slavic communities (Serbs, Croats, Slovenians, Bosnians, Macedonians and Montenegrins) were considered as "nations" by the new Yugoslav leaders, whilst the Albanians were considered as nationalities, so they were expelled from the right of self-determination, and also from the right f having a republic on their own. Even, right after the war was over and the two Albanian partisan divisions returned to Albania after they had fought there against the German forces, the federal authorities of Belgrade and under their stimulation, in July of the year 1945 the Serbian Authorities of Kosova turned down the Bajan Resolution.

- The exclusion of the Albanians from the right of having their won republic was an arbitral act. Their discrimination was obvious especially if we have in regard that the Montenegrins, which were six times less from Macedonian by number of population and twice less from Albanians, formed republic on their own, whilst the Albanians did not. As result the inequality that existed in the pre-war Yugoslavia, changed only the shape whilst the size and the components for Albanian remained effective.

- The inclusion of the Albanians in the category of nationalities, their discrimination in the field of national rights, the yesterday leaders of Titoist Yugoslavia and the present nationalist Serbian governors argue with the old thesis that the Albanians of Kosova are not aborigines but they are denizens, and with the new thesis that they cannot form a republic on their own in the Yugoslav Federation or Confederation, because another Albanian state exists outside it. As a consequence two Albanian states at the same time cannot exist.

- The first thesis of the Serbian governors has no historical basis. It was debated many times in historiography if the Albanians in the historical Kosova are not aborigines but denizens. In this Platform it is not possible to line documentary resources, which disprove the Serbian thesis. It is sufficient to mention shortly here that a range of historians, archaeologists, linguists, and ethno graphs, Albanian and foreigners have proved that the inhabitants of the ancient Dardania, so of historical Kosova, belonged to the same ethnicity that lived in the southern Illyrian provinces. Except this, it is already proved that the Albanians are descendants of southern Illyrians, among them Dardanians as well, which extended inside and outside the territory of present Kosova, in south up to Shtip (Astibos) and in north up to Nish (Naissos).

- Also, there is no historical prove that the Slavs colonized the ancient Dardania in the VI or VII century. The Slavic theory, which the Serbian historians bring as a preferable argument to try the Serbian colonisation of Kosova in the beginning of early medievalism, has no value, because in the documentary sources they appear in this territory only in the beginning of the X century they were pagan. Also, the avowal that the cradle of Serbia is in Kosova is not true, because it is known that its initial territory was in Raska province, in Sanjak. Even, the occupation of Kosova from Serbia began at the end of XII century. Further more, the gothic Serbian kingdom did not have any constant capital. Prizren was one of the ambulant capitals of this state, which had the tendency to expand continuously by occupations towards the south, including the Greek lands, with aim of replacing the Byzantine Empire and to establish its capital finally in Costadinopoya. Nobody can prove that the Serbian rule in Kosova lasted more than three centuries. Except this, already many data’s are collected that confirm that during these centuries the Albanians were present in the historical territories of Kosova and that the pressure exercised from the Serbian state and church, in most of the cases, was realised only with the Slavication of the locations and the names of the inhabitants. There are even many cases, where if you remove the Slavic suffix, it will come out that they are Albanian inhabitants (for example Lek-ich, Pal-ich, Petr-ich, Gjon-ovsky, etc.) Even the Belgrade thesis that in the historic battle of Kosova, which occurred in year 1389 against the Turkish, only the Serbs participated, does not consist. There are many independent notifications, which prove that under the rows of the anti-ottoman coalition the Albanians fought in considerable masses, including the Albanians of Kosova.

- Also, the thesis that is encountered in the Yugoslav historiography that Kosova was populated by the Albanians came from the northern territories of Albania after the Serbian exodus that happened in year 1689, has no documentary support. First if all, the historical sources do not confirm that in 1689 an exodus with large mass occurred, as shown in the Serbian historiography. At the same time documentary sources, un-doubtfully known by the Serbian historians, do not speak of massive migration of Albanians from the northern hills into Kosova territories, further more that the population of these territories in the verge of the events of the year 1689 was, as confirmed by the resources of that period, was very less comparing with the Kosova Albanian population, which covers the area from Tetova up to Nish. There are tens of historical resources, also known by the Serbian historians, but purposely left in forgetfulness, which confirm that during the XVI and XVII century, before the so-called Serb "massive exodus" of the year 1689, the majority of the Kosova population was comprising of Albanians. Also there are independent historical resources that confirm as said above that in the Kosova revolts of year 1689 the participation of the Albanians of the province was bigger than the Serbian one. It should be finally added that the exodus of the Kosova Serbians is not a specified phenomenon. It included also the Kosova Albanians, which migrated or in the territories of the present Albania (i.e. the displacement of the Albanians from Prizren region to the province of Mirdita) or migrated as the Serbs did towards the north (i.e. the displacement in year 1737 of many Albanians from Kosova and their placement in the territory ruled by Austria, in the villages of Present Slavonia, in Nikinich, Hertovtz, Yarak and Opalanka).

- As consequence the intentions of the Serbian government for their historical rights towards Kosova have no basis. The historical rights weigh completely from Albanians, as they were constantly present in Kosova before and after the inrush of the Serbs in the Balkan Peninsula. Three medieval centuries of the Serbian rule cannot harm the historical right of the Albanians, as ethnic inhabitants, in the territory of Kosova, as the five centuries long Turkish rule couldn’t. The Serbian minority in Kosova is the remain of a political rule, with which the Serbs were trying to argue their historical rights, which belong to the centuries XIII-XIV, that means only two medieval centuries. On the contrary, the Albanian monuments belong to the upcoming centuries, regardless that their ancient monuments are turned into relics from the Serbian rulers, which with the efforts they undertook nowadays to ruin the catholic chapels of Croats, showed that they still didn’t give up the pathologic hate towards their centuries old neighbours. The appeal that Belgrade is using that Kosova is the Serbian Jerusalem, is a speculative rhetoric, with emotive aims. The myths cannot comprise argue to annex a territory which is inhabited by another nation. The real Jerusalem is a holy place for the Christians, but this doesn’t allow any catholic, protestant or orthodox state to request its annexation or to expel its inhabitants, Israelis and Palestinians. With its thousand years old past and the majority of the population it has in its bosom, Kosova was constantly and continues to be a limb of the Albanian nation. The Albanian National Unity Front, with all the democratic means, will join this limb with the national Albanian state.

- The second thesis of the Belgrade governors, regardless that it does not stand, ANUF considers favourably for its purpose and aim. In none of the numerous of political, diplomatic and juridical world history was any accepted dictum formulated by the international right, where it is said that a nation must have only one state. Without going back to the medieval history, let us remember from the modern history Germany and Italy, which had, up to the third quarter of the past century some independent states. Further more, history has such cases also nowadays. The Arab Nation, for example is divided into tens of states and nobody protested against this violation of the Titoist thesis. Even, we can remember also our southern neighbours, the Greek who even if they comprise on nation, have two states: Greece and Cyprus, both of them independent republics and internationally recognized. However, ANUF considers this Titoist argue as a plus on its aim to have a single national Albanian state in the Balkans, with the whole territories and Albanians that live in them within this state.

V. THE ALBANIAN ETHNIC LANDS SUFFER FURTHER PARTITIONING

- At the end of the Second World War a brutal violation of the Albanian national rights was done, with deep historical consequences. The question is about the fissure of the territories of the historical Kosova.

- As we mentioned earlier, the Conference of the Ambassadors of London (1913), gave the historical Kosova with its capital Shkup (Skopje) to the Serbian Kingdom with the unjust anti-historical motive that it was a Serbian land, regardless of this injustice which was being done to the Albanian nation, the Albanian from the whole Kosova, which were almost equal by the number of inhabitants, came across one single rule – under the rule of the Serbian power.

While living together, under the rule of one single state the Albanians of historical Kosova had the opportunity to keep the centuries long economic, social, political, cultural relations and together they were able to face the war for their national rights. But, along with the proclamation of the six federal Slavic republics, also their political borders were delimitated. The borders were set in an arbitral way from up, without any national referendum, without any plebiscite vote. Neither the Albanian population nor their its leaders were asked, with purpose of braking the territorial unity of the Albanians and weakening the power of their political resistance, the Titoist leaders divided the territories of historical Kosova in three parts – between the Republics of Serbia, Macedonia and Montenegro.

- The Republic of Serbia took over the province of Kosova (the narrow Kosova) along with the regions of Bujanoc, Presheva and Medvegja:

- The Republic of Macedonia annexed the southern part of historical Kosova (the regions of Shkup, Tetova, Gostivar, Kërçova, Kumanova, Dibra, Struga, Ohër, Prespa, Perlep and Manastir);

Montenegro took the northeastern part of Kosova (Plava, Gucia, Rozhaja, Ulqin and Tivar), which it had annexed in fact since year 1913.

- In the historical view this was the third fission that was being done to Albanian lands – the third after the first fission of the Albanian lands from the Berlin Congress (1878) and after the second fission, which was decided at the Ambassadors Conference (1913). But the third operation hit harder the territorial unity of Albanians. The Albanian territories that were divided between three states before the war (Albania, Yugoslavia and Greece) now were divided five states (Albania, Serbia, Macedonia, Montenegro and Greece). Further more, the last fission is ethically contradicted, because it is not right to punish continuously an innocent nation with fissions; because, it is not right that to take decisions about a nation without its plebiscite vote in these modern times. The time when the medieval monarchs were giving presents, like dowry or bribe, provinces or cities belongs to the past. In this angle of view, the leaders of the Social Federal Republic of Yugoslavia committed a political crime in the back of the Albanian nation and a political reward in the account of the Serbian nation, because the historical Kosova was given to Serbia in the London Conference of year 1913.

- The annexation of the southern part of Kosova by Macedonia, inhabited even nowadays with majority of ethnic Albanians, is another legitimate act. IF we investigate thoroughly, the Serbian political communes, by accepting this fission, admitted that the southern part of Kosova with its capital Shkup, is not a Serbian land, as it was classified in the decision of year 1913. In fact, it is neither Serbian nor Macedonian land. With the ethnic population the southern part of Kosova or the southern part of Macedonia have, it is an Albanian land.

- The war of KLA and the interference of the military forces of NATO in Kosova, in year 1999, the administration of Kosova by UN, instead of joining three other Albanian municipalities, Presheva, Medvegja, Bujanoc, another fission of the ethnical Albanian territories was done, the fourth by the row. Actually, the Serbs, in the eyes of the internationals, KFOR and UNMIK, grabbed from the Albanian land except Presheva, Medvegja and Bujanoc also the northern Mitrovica and 2500 hectares of other Albanian lands, which were divided between Serbia and Macedonia. Today, for example, an Albanian family consisted of five members, who live in their ethnic territories, to visit each other; they must collect 5 entry-exit visas to cross the artificial state borders, which the "modern" world has created, to them.

VI. THE ROADS OF SOLUTIONS THAT ANUF WILL USE

The Albanian National Unity Front (ANUF) considers the situation described above as tragic and unacceptable. All Albanians, regardless of where they live, over here or over the border, inside or outside their ethnic lands, want the immediate unification of their land into a singe Albanian state, as it was outlined by our great Renaissance as of the past century.

- The Albanian National Unity Front (ANUF) considers the current situation of the Albanian National Cause more complex from that during the period of National Renaissance. Then, all the Albanian ethnic lands were under the rule of a single state - under the rule of the Ottoman Empire. Then, all the Albanians were aligned in a single trench against the same polygon - against the High Gate. Today on the contrary the ethnic Albanian territories are divided between five states, from which four of them are foreign states. Certainly, different from the period of the National Renaissance, today an independent Albanian state exists, internationally recognized, whose duty is to keep unfold the flag of the national cause. This certainly is a positive circumstance.

- The role of Albania is unquestionable, important and determinative for the solution of the Albanian cause. To play this role, first the real democracy should be established in Albania. Albania has the right, but also the obligation to put into discussion and to request solution from organisms and democratic organisations of the Albanian cause. Therefore, the keys of the national cause would still remain to Albania, where they also belong; because, only a democratic Albania could become a strong wing of Albanians in their ethnic lands, which were disengaged by force from the national trunk. Albania must prove herself as the factor with most influence for the position of the Albanians in the Balkans.

- Regarding the international factor we should have in regard that the epoch when the Great Forces set the political map of continents has ended since the year 1946. After the Second World War the United Nations Organisation took over the adjustments of international issues, in whose basic card was fixed the principle of the self-determination of nations; however, the after war years were characterized by the partition of the world into antagonist camps and from the efforts to violently establish the order which was suitable to them. But, in the last twelve years the international situation has essentially changed. The borders are they were unshakable. The international borders of former Yugoslavia became borders of other states, the Berlin Wall, which was dividing the German nation fell, and 15 states were created from the former Soviet Union, Chech Republic and Slovakia separated, Bosnia and Herzegovina, with internationally known subjects, got divided ethnically and territorially. There cannot be a United Europe with divided nations. The Albanian nation is separated and this fact remains a constant load in the conscience of the high international responsible subjects; therefore the borders, which separate Albanians today, remain colonial borders.

We are laying the solution of the Albanian national cause in the frame of the integrations, which present a golden key for peace and stability. The integration of Albanians in their national united state will enable the free circulation of goods, services, capital, and the link with other places of Balkan, with purpose of avoiding the source of conflicts.

ANUF believes in political integration, as a tool that avoids the sources of conflicts and wars.

- With the demolition of the Berlin Wall, with the end of the Cold War, the time of the political alignments and efforts to change by violence the world order is over. As consequence also the time when the Balkan states were aligned in opponent camps belongs to the past now. In our days, the adjustment of international issue is taken over by strong worldwide or continental organisms like: UN, OSCE, European Parliament, European Council and other organisations, which act according to the Cards that have the value of approved statuses by the assembly specifically gathered for them. These organisms have determined as the highest principal, for solution of national rights, the right of self-determination. In the name of this principle, the Albanian National Unity Front (ANUF) will enable the realization of its basic aim.

- With all the support from outside, which is and is going to be verbal and declarative, ANUF will lean on national Albanian powers. With our powers we should change our state. Europe will hardly do anything for Albanians until Albanians will force her with their act. The political determinations for ANUF remain, but the acts will necessarily change. We consider with high importance the order of movements, but also the choosing of the suitable moment for rational acts.

- This front is determined to use all the democratic means to correct the four old and new historical injustices done to the Albanian lands, by joining them in one single national state. For Albanian National Unity Front, this is the only solution that brings peace, entente, prosperity and integration in EU and NATO to the places of Hemus Peninsula. This is the only solution that will restore the Balkan in a gunpowder force, as it was historically, in a peaceful peninsula, harmony and in an unseen economical and cultural development. The United Albania will not increase the majority, as the opponents of the idea of a single Albanian national state in the Balkans think. Albanians are historically known around the world as a hospitable nation, of a peaceful nature, and that have never been causers of any unjust war, that they have never occupied any palm of else’s land, but on the contrary, and that they have treated, respected and honoured the minorities which live in the Albanian territories much better than their own. Under these conditions, all the minorities living in the Albanian territories will enjoy all the rights, which the international convents will envision.

- USA, EU and all the progressive international factors are engaged in an un-compromised war against terrorism, as the main enemy of civilization and humanity nowadays.

A United Albania will be a significant ally and will be placed along the international forces against terrorism in this confused part of the Balkans.

- The allowance of the creation of a national Albanian state by the economical view will be lightness for Europe and USA. The National Albanian Union will enable the maximal use of our national surface and underground resources, favourable Mediterranean climate with 310 sunny days a year, as Albania is a remarkable tourist place, which is dampened by two seas and has lake, river and alpine resources which make the whole country a tourist place. The United Albania will not only be a burden for Europe and USA no more, who are keeping with charity all the Albanian areas, but on the contrary, it would ease them a little bit from the approximately 8 million Albanians who are living everywhere around the world as economic migrants. A United Albania has enough space to keep in its bosom all the Albanians that are spread out around the world.

VII. THE ALBANIANS OF GREECE, THE PROBLEM OF ÇAMËRIA AND ITS SOLUTION

- In the neighbouring Greece the presence of Albanians is so ancient also so new. The ancient ethnic Albanians who reside since thousand of years in their lands, which are in a uninterrupted continuity with the territory of Albania and who were for thousand years part of the Albanian territory, regardless of the boundary pyramids which were set in year 1913. They reside in the territories of Çamëria, Kostur and Follorina, who avoided the expelling by force because they were orthodox or by keeping their Muslim religion in secret. They speak the Albanian mother tongue, but cannot declare they are Albanians. Until today the Greek state didn’t recognize these Albanians as an ethnic minority in Greece, whose rights should at least be such that the Greek minority in Albania enjoys.

- The unsolved Cham problem is one of the priorities of the Albanian National Unity Front. There are about 300.000 thousand Çams, which the chauvinist Greeks expelled from their lands and property, in an unseen genocide in year 1945. The Albanian National Unity Front, together with its structures, will work regarding these problems and achieve the following targets:

- To enforce the state Greek authorities to allow the return of the Çams in their lands and properties from where they were violently displaced;

- The Greek authorities must make a public apology to the Çams for the genocide exercised on them, same as the responsible countries did for the genocide exercised towards the Jews;

- To compensate the Çams for all the damages caused to them by this massive genocide;

- The Çams that will return to their lands, from which they were violently displaced by the chauvinist Greeks, should enjoy the same rights as the Greek minority in Albania does.

VIII. THE STAND OF ANUF TOWARD THE LINGUISTIC AND CULTURAL ALBANIAN MINORITIES

- During their thousand years history the Albanians were forced to leave their ethnic territories time after time, individually or collectively for different reasons (political, economical, social and religious) and to settle in other territories away from their homeland.

Often, the Albanian groups from Diaspora built their settlements close to each other, this way creating provincial Albanian communes in the body of other ethnicities. The beginnings of these Diasporas are lost in the depth of centuries. Not less from other Albanian communities of Diaspora, which are known in the field of documentation, are assimilated from the nationalities of the new homeland. From historical resources it is known that the Albanian Communities of Diaspora have survived until the last century, in Bulgaria, Thraka, Besarabya, Ukraine, Slavonya, Dalmatia, Sanjak, Egypt and elsewhere. Only the inhabitants of a few provinces of Albanian Diaspora in Greece and Italy are still keeping their ethnic-linguistic identity of their ancestors, like the Albanian language and spiritual culture of the ancient grandfathers.

- In fact, Greece and Italy were the places where the medieval Albanian Diaspora was more massive than anywhere. In Greece, the settlement of the Albanians which were displaced from the ethnic trunk began at least in XII century, but the biggest proportions were in the XIV century; whilst, later their number was limited. They settled partially in the Greek provinces of Pelepones, (Corinth, Argolyda, Lakony, Elyda, Arcady, Meseny), partially in the continental Greece (Athica, Beoc, Etholy, Akarnany, Thesaly) and the other port in the Greek islands Eje (Hydra, Speca, Paros, Salamine, Eube).

- In the Italic peninsula the massive Diaspora of Albanians occurred in the XV century. They settled mainly in southern Italy (in the provinces of Kozenca, Katanxaro, Kampobasso, Fojya, Teramo, Leche and elsewhere) and in some villages of Sicilya (provinces of Palermo, Katanya and jirjen). - The living for centuries long away from the fatherland and the constant pressure of the Greek or Italian population in the places where they live brought the consequence that some of the provincial Albanian communities of Greece and Italy were assimilated by time by keeping only the memory of their ethnical origin. However, not few of the descendants of this medieval Albanian Diaspora preserved their Albanian Language and Culture, which distinguished from the ones of their Greek or Italian neighbours. The residents of these Albanian communities in the Greek world are called Arvanyts, according to the medieval deformed Albanian name "Arbanyt" whilst in some territories they call themselves Arberors. Currently it is documented that over 200.000 arvanyts speak Albanian language in Greece. On the contrary, the Italians call the descendants of the medieval Albanian Diaspora of Italy "Albanesy", whilst they call themselves "Arberesh". It is accounted that there are over 150.000 arberesh’s who speak Albanian language.

- Also in other countries there are earlier or later Diasporas. According to the principles known in the international right, they comprise a linguistic-cultural minority. As a consequence, based on basic documents announced by international organisms for the human rights and rights of the linguistic-cultural minorities, they have the right to learn, in the environments of the schools where they live, the writing and reading of Albanian language, at least two hours a week outside the learning programmes where they live.

ANUF will work on enabling the realizing of this right.

The Albanian National Unity Front, conscientious that everywhere around the world approximately 9 million Albanians are living and working, as Diaspora, emigrants or refugee, takes over the responsibility of finding the ways and most benefiting means for organizing them in countries where they live, and determines to itself the obligation of becoming an important factor for defending their rights and basic freedoms, with purpose of avoiding mistreatment as second hand citizens in the countries where they live and work.

IX. ANUF AND THE ROLE OF ALBANIAN WOMEN IN THE SOLUTION OF THE NATIONAL CAUSE

ANUF considers high the role-played and the current role being of the Albanian women and girls in our nations history.

ANUF highly appreciates the role the Albanian women and girls have and are playing in the history of our nation. The numerically pass more than the half of the Albanian nation. Without detailed calculation, without necessary estimation and without attracting the Albanian girls and women in the process of the reunion of Albania and creation of the ethnic Albanian state, this process would be impossible. Therefore ANUF works and acts with consecration in this direction to position as needed this vital force of our nation along our brothers, men, parents and their sons in this grand process of reunion, staying away and in a hard war with conserving, patriarchal, fanatic and under evaluation of the mental, spiritual and physical power of the Albanian girls and women.

- The Albanian National Unity Front has as important political structures the General Committee of ANUF. The General Committee is elected once in 4 years from the delegates of the National Convention of ANUF.

- The Convention of ANUF elects a Central Leadership that leads and manages the work between the two Meetings of the Generals Committee of ANUF. These structures are spread and act in all Albanian areas.

- The Albanian National Unity Front has also other structures that will make possible the accomplishment of the great objectives.

- The Platform, strategy and tactics of action, as well as the structures, rules, disciplines and functions of these structures are determined with specific acts approved by the Leadership of the Albanian National Unity Front.

- The Albanian National Unity Front (ANUF) has its central residence in Tirana.

- The General Committee of ANUF and the Leadership of ANUF have their central residence in Tirana. This Committee raises its structures in all Albanian areas - Constituent part of the General Committee are also the other five committee’s, with residence in: Tirana, Prishtina, Shkup, Ulqin, and Preveza, and also all the committee’s raised in the states where Albanian immigrants work and live.

- The Albanian National Unity Front (ANUF), as well as all of its other structures, work, act and function according to the Platform, Statute and special regulations approved by the National Convention, as the highest organ of ANUF.
- LONG LIVE UNITED ALBANIA!
- LONG LIVE THE ALBANIAN PEOPLE!
- LONG LIVE THE ALBANIAN NATIONAL UNITY FRONT!

Tirana, July 13 2002

APPROVED IN THE FIRST NATIONAL CONVENTION OF THE ALBANIAN NATIONAL UNITY FRONT

Translated by: Tahir VELIU and Sefedin MUQAJ